Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Amaçları
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- Book ChapterYalnız künye2025Party Politics and Immigration Trends: Current Dynamics and Policies Around the World
Gulmez, Recep
Political party tendencies significantly influence policies and public opinion surrounding migration and forced migration across the world. Right-leaning parties often emphasize border control, national security, and cultural cohesion, advocating for stricter migration regulations. They may frame migration as a threat to national identity, leading to restrictive asylum policies and limited support for refugees. On the other hand, leftleaning parties will most likely advocate for humanitarian approaches, ridden with human rights, social inclusiveness, and international solidarity. They usually support more extensive migration policies that have integration and fair treatment of migrants as their focus. However, these party trends are subject to regional and historical contexts for their effects. Forced migration, quickened by conflict, climate change, or economic instability, further complicates these debates, as policymakers try to weigh their domestic concerns against their humanitarian obligations. This dynamic shapes both national and international responses, reflecting the complex interplay between political ideologies, global governance structures, and the realities of displacement faced by millions worldwide.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - Book ChapterYalnız künye2025Introduction
Gulmez, Recep
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - BookYalnız künye2025Party Politics: Dynamics, Strategies and Global Trends
Gulmez, Recep
As political parties face new realities in the 21st century, how they adapt will determine their relevance and success. This book brings to light the factors that will propel change in party politics through a wide-based analysis of the internal and external forces that shape party behavior. By exploring dynamics, strategies, and global tendencies, this book provides a roadmap to understanding the new role that political parties play in a world where politics is becoming more fluid. This book invites readers to engage with a diverse range of perspectives and case studies that challenge conventional views on party politics while proposing new ways to think about the future of political competition and governance. This book strives to give a general idea on how political parties bring about strategies and keep pace with global tendencies, and how their internal and external dynamics deeply affect their political structure, including the internal politics of a country.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleAçık Erişim2024Batı Kültürel Emperyalizm ve Protestan Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri: Türkiye Kürtleri Örneği
Gulmez, Recep
Protestanlık, ilk ortaya çıktığı günden itibaren muhafazakâr paradigmaya karşı çıkarak statükocu yapının değişmesini hedeflemektedir. Ulus-devletlerin yükselmesi ile birlikte azınlıklara ayrılıkçı eylemlerinde demokrasi ve insan hakları kapsamında destek veren Protestanlık kültürel emperyalizmin yayılmasında dikkat çekici rol oynamaktadır. Türkiye’de Osmanlı devleti döneminden itibaren azınlıkların ve yerel halkın din değiştirmesi ayrılıkçı bir hareket olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Protestan mezhebi/Hristiyanlık Orta-Doğu coğrafyasında bilhassa 19. yüzyıl başlarında misyonerler vasıtasıyla yayılmaya başlamıştır. Tüm bölgede etkisini hissettiren Protestan misyonerler Osmanlı devletinin tepki verecek kadar ilgisini çekmiştir. 21. yüzyıl başlarında başta Orta-Doğu olmak üzere bilhassa Kürtlerin yoğun yaşadığı coğrafyada Protestan misyonerler azınlıklara yönelerek bölgede kültürel emperyalizmi hedefleyen çalışmalar yürütmektedirler. Zirve yayınevi olayı ile yakın zamanda Rahip Brunson’ın Kürtler ve PKK terör örgütü ile ilişkileri tezimi destekler niteliktedir. Emperyalizmin öncü kuvvetleri olarak adlandırılabilecek misyonerler Kürtlerin Hristiyanlığa geçmesini ve böylece emperyalizmin boyunduruk altına aldığı gruplara dönüşmelerini öngörmektedirler. Kürtlerin Müslüman oluşu ve Türkiye’de kurucu unsur olmaları ayrılıkçı hareketlerin önünde bir engel teşkil etmektedir. Bu nedenle, öncelikle azınlık statüsü elde etmeleri için diğer resmi gayri-Müslim statüsüne geçmeleri ve azınlık haklarına (anadilde eğitim, kendi okul ve vakıfların olması vb) sahip olmaları gerekir. Yöntemsel açıdan tarihsel sosyolojik yaklaşımla ele aldığımız bu keşifsel çalışmamızda kültürel emperyalizmin azınlıkları kontrol altına almak üzere Protestan misyonerlik faaliyetlerini desteklediği ve Kürtlerin Hristiyanlaştırıldığı iddia edilmektedir. Kürtlerin Hristiyanlaştırılması bölgede ayrılıkçı faaliyetlerin oluşmasına zemine hazırlamakta ve böl-yönet politikasını desteklemektedir
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleAçık Erişim2021Dil siyasetinin üç yönü üzerine eleştirel analiz
Gulmez, Recep
Dil politikaları, küreselleşen bir dünyada kaçınılmaz bir şekilde bütün devletlerin takip ettiği ve uyguladığı bir alan halinegelmiştir. Dünyada dil politikalarını uluslararası hukuka uygun ve özgürlükçü bir perspektiften ele alan ülkeler olduğu gibi,güvenlikleştirme politikalarını takip ederek dili sorun odaklı olarak algılayan devletler de bulunmaktadır. Diğer yandan hak vesorun kavramsallaştırması kaynak olarak dilin incelenmesine doğru bir eğilim göstermiştir. Küreselleşen bir dünyada, dil artıksorun odaklı olmaktan çıkıp hak odaklı bir olgu haline dönüşmüş durumdadır. 21. yüzyılda hak olarak dil kavramı kaynak odaklıdil kavramına evrilmiş durumdadır. Bu çalışmamızda dilin sorun, hak ve kaynak odaklı görülmesini analitik olarak tartışmakta vedil politikalarına ilişkin önerilerimizi sunmaktayız. Dil politikalarını pozitif ve negatif hak açısından ele alan çalışmalardan farklıolarak, bu çalışmamız daha genel kategorileştirme ve metodolojik olarak daha farklı yaklaşımları önermekte, bu yaklaşımlarıeleştirel analiz yoluyla incelemektedir. Bu açıdan Türkiye’de dil politikaları alanında yapılan çalışmalardan farklılaşmakta olup,özgün bir çalışmadır.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleAçık Erişim2020Seçimlerde Komşusundan Ayrıksılaşan İlçeler ve Ayrıksılaşmayı Sağlayan Dinamikler
Tuysuz, Suat; Gulmez, Recep; Mutlu, Kader
Bu araştırma birbiriyle ilişkili üç amacı gerçekleştirmeyi hedefle-mektedir. İlk amaç, ilçe ölçeğinde komşularıyla benzer özellik gösteren ilçelerin istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir biçimde kümelen-dikleri bölgeleri ortaya çıkarmaktır. İkincisi ve daha da önemlisi söz konusu anlamlı kümelenmelerin olduğu bölgelere komşu olup ancak komşularından farklı düşünen ayrıksı ilçeleri ortaya çıkar-maktır. Sonuncusu ise ayrıksı ilçelerin komşularıyla farklılaşma nedenlerinin demografik, kültürel ve ekonomik dinamiklerle herhangi bir ilişki içinde olup olmadığını anlamaya yöneliktir. Bir başka ifadeyle ayrıksılaşmayı yaratan dinamiği ortaya çıkarmaktır. İlk ve ikinci amacı gerçekleştirebilmek için partilerin oy oranları hesaplanmış ve elde edilen oransal veri ArcGIS programıyla Anselin Lokal Moran’s I (LISA) analizine alınmıştır. Bu analizle ilk ve ikinci amaca yönelik olacak şekilde hem sınır komşuluğuna göre anlamlı olarak kümelenen hem de komşusundan ayrışan ilçeler tespit edilmiştir. Ardından yapılan Mann-Whitney U testiyle ise tespit edilen ayrıksı ilçelerin demografik, kültürel ve ekonomik dinamikler açısından komşularından farklılaşıp farklılaşmadığı ortaya konulmuştur. Bulgular, ayrıksı ilçelerin komşularından anlamlı bir biçimde farklılaştığını, yalnızca eğitim durumunun ayrıksılaşmayı yaratan dinamik olduğunu göstermektedir.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - BookYalnız künye2020THE NEW TURKEY POLITICS, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY
Gulmez, Recep; Tuysuz, Suat
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleYalnız künye2019Instrumentalisation of gerrymandering in recentralization in turkey: the case of ankara
Tuysuz, Suat; Gulmez, Recep
The aim of this research is to demonstrate empirically that gerrymandering takes place specifically in the municipal elections which first started by the law 6360 in 2012 and not only leads to expansion of the political power’s hegemony while limiting the opposition party’s electoral boundary but also centralization. In order to prove this argument, civil voluntarism model, which deals with the relationship between electoral behaviors and voter’s profile, was used. We use data on voter qualifications and election results from the Turkish Statistical Institute (TSI) and the Supreme Electoral Board (SEB), two state institutions. And we also used an economic data we created from a real estate website. The findings show that the areas dominated by the opposition party are shrinking. Furthermore, the findings show that the ruling party that made this regulation tended to be centralized to the extent that it did not leave its domination areas to their local representatives. In this case, the regulation cannot be seen as a simple arrangement about only expanding of electoral boundaries. It also shows that mobilizes the dynamics of recentralization in Turkey and the place is instrumentalized for this purpose.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - Book ChapterYalnız künye2019Neighborhood Effect and Millet Kiraathane as a Space for Political Communication
Gulmez, Recep
Coffee-houses (Kahvehane) and Public Reading Houses (Kıraathane) are two public places where people enjoy their free time sipping their teas or coffees and talk about politics. In the Turkish society, since 1500s, during the reign of the Ottoman Empire, these two places have been spaces where politics is intensively discussed, decision is given for the selection of political power and where the government is criticized. In addition to being public reading house, the Kıraathane can be defined as a place where people have been enlightened from the past to the present, the political power is criticized where urban and rural life are united while drinking coffee and tea. These public reading houses are spaces open to the public in the ottoman empire during the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent, where the authority was thought to be weakened by means of the rumors in these places. On the other hand, the coffee-house is a place where the local people taste their coffee originally from Yemen and discuss how to overthrow the political power, discuss daily problems and make philosophical debates. During the Ottoman Empire, coffee houses were very often shut down in case riots could arise among the people by giving the excuse that coffee was not good for health and should be forbidden for religious reasons. Coffee-houses and public reading houses are places today where political communication is often established, and the neighborhood effect is most often felt. It can be described not only as tea-coffee drinking places where free time is passed, but also as places where voter behavior begins to form and democracy is created. In one study on coffee-houses, it is mentioned that in the 1960s there were not coffeehouses in the southeastern Anatolia in Turkey since the sheiks or leaders of the clans in the region did not want any opposition to their authority and rule. Based on this example, it is clear that the coffee-houses and public reading houses are spaces for political communication and democracy due to the neighborhood effect. It is also the place of the civil society where the citizens are expected to socialize. It is a place of letting the political culture live. In this respect, Kıraathane is a means of preserving the national values and local traditions. On the other hand, Kahvehane and Kıraathane, which are seen as leisure spots, are regarded as a demonstration of unemployment. Just as these spaces are a reflection of the economy, they are also projections of democracy in the public sphere. In the present work, after giving a historical background about the coffee-houses and public reading houses in Turkey, we will deal with the literature on these spaces from critical theory perspective of Jurgen Habermas. However, these public spaces are often gendered places in which men are predominant. They are places where men seek to give political decisions by talking to their friends. The neighborhood effect can therefore account for the voting behavior of women who are given less opportunity to participate in these spaces because of their gender. Thus, we will examine the public sphere, the voting behavior and the neighborhood effect by taking Kahvehane and Kıraathane as a case. We will consult the secondary sources in order to examine the case. In Turkey, the political power (ab)uses coffee-houses and public reading spaces as venues for their political campaigns. In fact, during the campaigns for the general elections on the 24th of June 2018, one of the commitments of the political power was on transforming the Kıraathane from places where only rumors are made into those where people read, learn and effect others while enjoying snacks for free.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - Book ChapterYalnız künye2019The rabaa sign as discourse of political protest
Gulmez, Recep
Political discourse deals not only with discursive political practices such as cabinet meetings, parliamentary debates, bilis and laws, bureaucratic documents, party propaganda, media interviews but also oral and visual protests. In the dictionary, protest is “an expression or declaration of objection, disapproval, or dissent, often in opposition to something a person is powerless to prevent or avoid”. The current president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan was powerless to prevent the events and the massacre of thousands of civilians and protesters for the support of elected president Mohamad Morsi at Rabaa al-Adawiya Square but he was to protest the massacre and the cruelty by showing the Rabaa sign, four fingered hand except thumb, Rabaa meaning four in Arabic. This sign is thought to originate in Turkey, where Erdogan, who was then prime minister, protested the events and the Arab spring in Bursa in 2013 and popularized the sign later all over Turkey. The sign is today the symbol of nationalism and protest against the engineers of Arab spring and the coups d’Etat in the countries including Turkey. This four-finger salute turned into a sign of solidarity of those against “those with imperial goals in the region”. Erdogan popularized the sign as a protest and turned it into a symbol of solidarity for Turkey, put emphasis on the national unity stating each finger symbolizes “one nation, one flag, one state and one homeland”. The Rabaa sign becomes the symbol of anti-coup resistance specifically after the 15th of July 2016 attempted coup in Turkey behind which is the FETO supported by a “mastermind” (üst akil). The political power uses the symbol to create Islamic brotherhood and nationalism while the opposition party claims that the sign is the symbol of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, which is considered by the opposition as a terrorist organization. The present study aims to shed light on the political discourse of protest taking Rabaa sign as a case, the sign that appeared following the massacre in Egypt and which became the sign of solidarity and then the official sign of Erdogan’s party, Justice and Development Party in Turkey. We will draw on the theory of protest, political symbolism and political discourse and analyze the relation between discourse of protest and political signs. Then, we will examine the Rabaa sign as the sign of political discourse of protest.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleYalnız künye2019The Securitization of the Syrian Refugee Crisis Through Political Party Discourses
Gulmez, Recep
The present study investigates major Turkish political party discourses about the Syrian refugees in Turkey based on parties’ manifestoes and pamphlets. The refugee problem increased nationalist feelings in Turkey specifically when the president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, explained that the Syrians could be naturalized. To analyse this situation, we draw on theories on securitization and xenophobia. Political party discourses were analysed by Nvivo 11 software program. The results suggest that while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) uses historical–cultural and Islamic discourses, the CHP has an economic discourse. The MHP, the Turkish nationalist party, and the HDP, the Kurdish nationalist party, both deploy nationalist discourses. Members of the CHP claim that the Syrians are the source of major crimes and unemployment. The AKP adopts an Ensar–Muhacir (guest–host) discourse because of its Islamic approach to the refugees. Political parties in Turkey securitize the Syrian refugee crisis through their political discourses, which result in the rise of xenophobia in Turkey. The study suggests that political parties lead to the rise in anti-refugee attitude.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleYalnız künye2018Avrupa Birliği’nin Otoriterlik Sınavı: Macaristan Örneği
Gulmez, Recep
2010 yılı itibariyle, Macaristan’da gittikçe artan bir şekilde otoriter bir siyasi yapı gözlenmektedir. Başbakan Viktor Orbán’ın yönetiminde ki Fidesz hükümeti, seçimlerde çoğunluğu alarak, anayasal değişiklikleri partinin amaçları doğrultusunda yapabilmekte, medya organlarını yine parti çıkarlarına göre yönlendirmekte ve muhalifleri susturmaktadır. Demokrasiye şekil veren hatta başka ülkelerde demokrasinin desteklenmesini isteyen Batı bu kez kendi içerisinde yükselen otoriterlikle mücadele etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Bu çalışmamızda, Avrupa’da yükselen otoriterlik ve AB’nin tutumunu ele alacağız. Çalışmamızda, otoriterlik üzerine söz konusu literatürü değerlendirdikten sonra Macaristan’da yükselen otoriterlik konusuna örneklerle değineceğiz. Zaman zaman Türkiye ile karşılaştırma yaptığımız çalışmamızda örnek vaka incelemesi (case study) gerçekleştirdik. Çalışmamız tamamıyla doküman analiz yöntemi ile gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu açıdan, Venedik Komisyonu ve Avrupa Konseyi raporları dikkate alınarak vaka incelemesi yapılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, otoriterliğin sadece Batı dışı ülkelerde değil aynı zamanda Batı içinde olabileceği vurgulanmış ve AB’nin otoriterliği durdurma veya engelleme hususunda yeterli tedbirler alamadığı belirlenmiştir.
RDL Kalıcı Kaydıİncele - ArticleAçık Erişim2012Foreign language anxiety on the learner of French as a third language in Turkey
Gulmez, Recep
The aim of this study is to reveal how anxious Turkish learners of French as a third language become when they study French and the effect of anxiety on learning French. The study was conducted on 84 students (54 male and 30 female) that study in the department of French as a second language. There exist quite many studies on the anxiety especially when it comes to the effect of foreign language learning anxiety on the learners. These studies show that there is a huge amount of foreign language learning anxiety impact on the learners. The present study focuses on the influence of foreign language anxiety on the Turkish learners of French at Ataturk University in Erzurum, Turkey. The results show that the anxiety level is low and the level of achievement in French is quite high as the students already know a cognate language, English they have learned before learning French.
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